The odd couple of Israeli politics, Sharon and Peres had proven remarkably successful in putting up a united front to the world as they sought to navigate the state over the troubled waters of the last few months. Each seemed to exert a moderating influence over each other: Peres advocated Sharon's tough line of "no negotiations under fire" while Sharon's surprising policy of restrain was attributed by many to Peres' sage counsel.

It was just a matter of time.

Vocal tiff in the cabinet
The proximate cause of the verbal explosions that rocked the Israeli government cabinet room was a leak, following Sharon's meeting with UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan late Saturday night, that the Prime Minister had vetoed Annan's request for a three-way meeting with Peres and PA Chairman Yasser Arafat. Sharon also rejected Annan's proposal for a regional summit involving U.S. and European officials. Peres was reportedly especially furious that he learned of these decisions via the Voice of Israel radio station and not directly from Sharon.

During the cabinet meeting, after Peres had presented a report on his diplomatic efforts, stressing the need to ease the suffering of the Palestinian population, Ha'aretz reported that Sharon called the Oslo agreement "a complete failure" and spoke of the "need to prevent a situation where Arafat continues to toy with the government." The prime minister said that he opposed meetings with Arafat "so long as he does not implement the Tenet document." He told the cabinet that his refusal to authorize an Arafat-Peres meeting was not a refusal to his coalition partner and foreign minister, but a refusal to the Palestinian Authority.

At that point, Ha'aretz said, Peres interrupted: "I cannot allow myself to sit in a unity government in which the decisions are made unilaterally. The unity government is two opinions. I do not accept directions from any one. I am not willing to have you tell me what I am for and what I am against. For this there is a need for two. I am not in this government to implement your policies."

At this point, other coalition members jumped into the fray. Environment Minister Tzachi Hanegbi of the Likud told Peres: "Indeed this may be a coalition government, but there is only one prime minister and he was elected with a 63 percent majority."

The Jerusalem Post reported that Tourism Minister Rechavam Ze'evi also attacked Peres, saying his policy is blind. "Our failure in explaining our position is because the foreign minister cannot explain things that he does not agree with," Ze'evi said. "Nobody can take away from the foreign minister his rhetorical skills and his power of persuasion, but he cannot explain that Oslo was a disaster for Israel, and that Arafat is wicked and a liar. Therefore we have no public relations."

Industry and Trade Minister of Labor Dalia Itzik rushed to Peres' defense, demanding that Sharon defend his foreign minister against becoming a "punching bag" for the right wing. "He [Peres] is not your clerk, and it is unacceptable that he receives instructions from you by way of the radio," she told Sharon.

Breaking up is hard to do
Both inside and outside of the cabinet room, moderating voices tried to calm the situation and prevent all-out verbal warfare from breaking out between the left and right sides of the coalition.

Interior Minister Eli Yishai of the ultra-orthodox Shas party urged Peres and Sharon to patch up their differences, saying that Arafat was seeking to drive a wedge between the two in order to divide and weaken the Israeli government.

Tommy Lapid, leader of the opposition ultra-secular Shinui, found himself in the rare position of agreeing with the Shas leader, urging the right and left sides of the government to cooperate in a united front against Palestinian aggression.

Immediately after the meeting, Peres and Sharon met privately and subsequently urged their respective party colleagues not to exacerbate the conflict in public statements, and the two agreed to meet again in the evening to try and work out their differences.

After the evening meeting, they announced a series of steps designed to ease conditions of the Palestinian population, and they agreed that direct diplomatic contacts between the Foreign Minister and Arafat would resume only after the PA had proved it could completely stop the violence.

Still, skeptics expressed doubts about the long-term prospects of this political marriage of convenience. Ex-minister Yossi Beilin called on Labor ministers to "pack their bags" and abandon their "shameful" participation in the government, arguing that refusal to conduct a dialogue with the Palestinian was not Sharon's tactic but his long-term strategy.

MK Michael Kleiner of the right-wing opposition Herut party, on the other hand, argued that Peres had a weakness for the Palestinian leader which had a fatal effect on Sharon's policies: "A day without Arafat is an eternity for Peres," Kleiner said. "Peres is leading an entire government into following the dreadful mistakes of Oslo."

Still, the political expediency of the Sharon-Peres alliance remains in force. Labor is currently at the nadir of its popularity, leaderless, and unprepared for new elections. Sharon is facing a right-wing challenge from former PM Benjamin Netanyahu, and benefits from the diplomatic finesse of his Foreign Minister and the moderating influence that Labor's presence brings to his government on the world stage.

Last night's broadcast of the BBC1 Panorama program accusing Sharon of war crimes in Lebanon during 1982 served as a strong reminder of the challenges confronting Israel in the media, and the critical need for a united front of the left and right wings of the Israeli leadership.

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